17 May 2026 Women, cultural integrity and communication justice in Odisha

Hemanta Kumar Dash

Across several regions of eastern India, accusations of witchcraft continue to function as mechanisms of social exclusion and gendered violence. Women who are labelled as witches are often subjected to humiliation, physical assault, social boycott, and in extreme cases, murder. The Indian state of Odisha has struggled with this issue for decades, particularly in tribal-dominated districts such as Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar, Rayagada, and Sundargarh.

Despite legislative measures such as the Odisha Prevention of Witch-Hunting Act, 2013, incidents of violence linked to witchcraft accusations continue to occur. Data compiled at the national level indicates that hundreds of killings related to witchcraft accusations have been recorded across India over the past two decades, with eastern and central Indian states reporting repeated incidents. Reports indicate that nearly 83% of recorded witch-hunting cases in Odisha are concentrated in a few districts, including Mayurbhanj, Sundargarh, Rayagada, Malkangiri, Keonjhar, Gajapati, and Ganjam [1]. Reports from civil society organisations also suggest that many cases remain underreported, especially in remote tribal areas where access to law enforcement and media coverage is limited [2].

Scholars increasingly emphasise that witch-hunting cannot be explained solely as a consequence of superstition. Instead, it reflects a complex intersection of gender inequality, social marginalisation, and economic conflict. Research has shown that accusations of witchcraft often emerge from disputes over property, personal rivalries, attempts to obtain sexual favours, or long-standing conflicts within communities [3]. In such circumstances, the label of “witch” becomes a socially sanctioned tool through which violence against vulnerable women can be justified.

This article examines the persistence of witch-branding in tribal districts of Odisha and argues that legal reform alone cannot eradicate the practice. Instead, the issue must be addressed through a broader framework of communication justice that combines institutional action with community-level awareness and culturally rooted communication strategies.

Tribal societies and belief systems in Odisha

Odisha is home to one of India’s largest tribal populations. Scheduled Tribes constitute more than one-fifth of the state’s population, and communities such as the Santhal, Ho, Munda, Juang, Kondh, Saora, and Bhumij inhabit forested and hilly regions where traditional cultural systems continue to shape everyday life. Anthropological research suggests that many tribal societies maintain cosmologies in which natural and spiritual forces are closely interconnected. Illness, crop failure, sudden death, or environmental disturbances may be interpreted through spiritual explanations when biomedical causes are not immediately visible. Although witch-hunting is often linked to superstition and low literacy, accusations frequently emerge from personal conflicts or failed healing practices, where individuals blamed for illness become targets of retaliation [4].

At the same time, scholars caution against portraying such cosmologies merely as irrational. Indigenous communities possess rich ecological knowledge and long-standing traditions of healing practices rooted in their relationships with forests and natural environments [5]. These knowledge systems often reflect attempts to understand uncertainty within a framework that integrates nature, ancestors, and social relationships. The challenge arises when such belief structures intersect with social stress and economic insecurity. In villages where healthcare facilities remain limited, unexplained illness or sudden deaths may generate fear and suspicion. Communities sometimes seek explanations within their cultural framework, and individuals perceived as socially marginal may become targets of accusations.

Gendered violence and the making of a “witch”

While supernatural belief systems may provide a framework for accusations, research consistently shows that witch-branding often emerges from underlying social conflicts. Studies across rural India have documented several recurring motives behind such allegations. Land disputes, interpersonal conflicts, attempts to gain sexual advantage, and efforts to settle long-standing rivalries frequently lie behind accusations of witchcraft [3]. Labelling a woman as a witch allows perpetrators to mobilise collective fear and legitimise violence. In many cases, such allegations are strategically used by those who stand to gain socially or materially, and incidents tend to rise during periods of disease outbreaks, highlighting the need for coordinated interventions by both civil society organisations and state institutions [4].

Research on gender relations and witch-hunting in India has similarly emphasised that accusations often target women who challenge patriarchal norms. Widows, elderly women, and women who refuse sexual advances frequently become vulnerable to such allegations. Witchcraft accusations are rarely random and often reflect existing hierarchies within the community. In many cases they function as instruments of social control, used to marginalise women who challenge local power relations or become entangled in disputes over property, authority, or community leadership [6].

Branding these women as witches enables communities to justify social exclusion and violence. Marginalisation based on caste and tribal status also contributes to vulnerability. Studies on social inequality in rural India highlight how communities positioned at the lower end of social hierarchies often experience disproportionate exposure to violence and discrimination [7]. In many cases, women belonging to marginalised groups lack social protection within patriarchal village structures, making them easier targets during periods of social tension.

Institutional studies conducted in Odisha further indicate that illness within families, crop failure, land conflicts, and mental health conditions frequently trigger accusations of witchcraft [2]. Widows and elderly women appear particularly vulnerable because they often lack family members who can defend them during disputes. These patterns suggest that witch-branding functions not merely as a cultural belief but as a mechanism of social power. Accusations become tools through which communities regulate behaviour, resolve conflicts, and reinforce gender hierarchies.

A crime that shocks the conscience

Behind statistical data lie individual stories that reveal the brutality of witch-branding. One such case occurred in Mayurbhanj district when a tribal woman named Sambari Murmu was killed after villagers accused her of practising witchcraft. According to reports, the attackers tied her hands and feet and assaulted her with heavy tools before leaving her critically injured. She later died while being taken to hospital. Several villagers were eventually convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment for the crime [8].

Another case illustrates the long-term consequences of such accusations. In a tribal village in Odisha, a woman who had been branded a witch following the death of her husband was expelled from her community. Her young daughter was forced to grow up without her mother for nearly a decade before the two were reunited years later through the intervention of activists and authorities [9].

More recently, a sixty-two-year-old tribal woman in Mayurbhanj district was killed after a villager accused her of practising sorcery that allegedly caused illness in his family. The accused attacked her with a sharp weapon, and the woman died before medical assistance could arrive [10].

These incidents demonstrate that witch-branding is not merely symbolic violence. It often leads to severe physical brutality, displacement, and long-term trauma for victims and their families.

Limits of legal reform

Recognising the seriousness of the problem, the state enacted legislation in 2013 that criminalises the branding of individuals as witches and prescribes penalties for harassment and violence. Yet incidents continue to be reported from several districts. Records suggest that numerous cases linked to sorcery-related violence have been registered in Odisha over the past decade, with tribal-dominated districts such as Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar, Rayagada, and Gajapati appearing frequently in reports [11].

Human rights observers have pointed out that punishment alone cannot eliminate the beliefs and social conditions that allow such practices to persist. Recommendations have included reviewing the legal framework and strengthening preventive measures, particularly in rural areas where awareness remains limited [12]. Legal intervention often occurs only after violence has already taken place. Victims may hesitate to approach authorities because perpetrators belong to the same community, and the social stigma associated with witch-branding can persist even after judicial action.

Communication justice and the role of media

The persistence of witch-branding highlights the importance of communication justice. Justice in media and information systems requires that marginalised communities be able to participate in the production and circulation of knowledge rather than remain passive recipients of information. Communication rights emphasise that individuals and communities must be able to express themselves and participate in public dialogue, since communication is fundamental to human dignity and democratic participation [13]. In rural contexts, access to reliable health information and scientific explanations can play an important role in challenging harmful beliefs. However, communication gaps often exist between state institutions and remote communities.

Mainstream media coverage of witch-hunting frequently focuses on sensational incidents without examining the deeper social causes behind them. While such reporting raises public awareness, it rarely contributes to sustained understanding of the issue. At the same time, digital communication technologies are beginning to reshape information flows in rural areas. Mobile phones and messaging platforms can spread rumours quickly, reinforcing fear and suspicion. Yet the same technologies can also be used to disseminate educational content and encourage dialogue about public health and gender equality.

However, institutional responses alone rarely produce lasting social change in culturally complex rural settings. Laws, media campaigns, and administrative action represent what might be described as a top-down response to violence linked to witchcraft accusations. While such interventions are necessary, they often struggle to transform deeply rooted social beliefs unless they are accompanied by dialogue within communities themselves. In regions where cultural identity, oral traditions, and collective decision-making shape everyday life, awareness must also emerge from within local cultural spaces.

A more effective strategy therefore, requires a two-pronged approach: institutional coordination on one hand, and community-based communication on the other. When local cultural platforms and respected community voices engage with issues such as health, gender equality, and superstition, they create opportunities for gradual shifts in public perception that institutional messaging alone may not achieve.

Alternative community media and local change agents

In many parts of rural Odisha, locally rooted performance traditions function as powerful forms of alternative community media. Long before newspapers, television, or digital platforms reached remote villages, these cultural forms served as collective spaces where communities exchanged information, interpreted moral values, and discussed social concerns. Even today, performances such as Pala, Daskathia, and Geetinatya continue to draw audiences during village gatherings and festivals.

A Pala performance typically features a lead narrator who recounts mythological or social stories, while accompanying performers provide rhythm through musical instruments. Daskathia involves two storytellers who use wooden clappers to create rhythmic narration that blends humour with social commentary. Geetinatya, a form of musical theatre, combines song, acting, and dance to dramatise social themes before large rural audiences.

Researchers have long recognised that culturally embedded performance traditions can function as effective tools for social communication in rural societies because they translate complex ideas into familiar narratives and symbols [14]. Studies also suggest that community-based performance traditions can help explain scientific information in accessible ways, encouraging audiences to question misinformation and harmful beliefs [15].

In tribal districts such as Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar, where communities including the Santhal, Ho, Munda, and Juang maintain strong oral traditions, these cultural platforms can become spaces for discussing superstition and social harm. Performances that portray the consequences of false accusations or explain the medical causes of illness may gradually challenge the belief that misfortune is caused by witchcraft.

Equally important in this communicative environment are local opinion leaders who mediate between new ideas and community belief systems. Communication research has shown that information often spreads through influential intermediaries rather than directly from media institutions to the public [16]. In tribal villages, such intermediaries may include elders, teachers, community health workers, traditional performers, and local activists. When these individuals participate in awareness programmes or endorse messages challenging superstition, they help legitimise new knowledge and reduce suspicion toward external interventions. Through repeated performances, discussions, and the involvement of trusted community figures, such initiatives can encourage villagers to seek medical explanations for illness rather than attributing misfortune to witchcraft.

Bridging communities and institutions

Communication strategies must therefore recognise the importance of collaboration between institutional actors and local networks. Information rarely flows directly from mass media to individuals. Instead, it often travels through trusted intermediaries who interpret and adapt messages within local cultural contexts. Teachers, health workers, youth groups, and community organisations often serve this bridging role in rural areas. When equipped with accurate information about health, law, and gender rights, they can transmit these ideas within their communities in ways that resonate with local experience. For example, awareness programmes explaining the causes of diseases such as malaria or tuberculosis can help reduce the likelihood that illness will be attributed to supernatural forces. Educational initiatives in schools and community forums can also encourage younger generations to question harmful practices.

Conclusion

The persistence of witch-branding in tribal districts of Odisha reflects a complex interplay of cultural beliefs, gender inequality, and socio-economic conflict. While legislation remains essential for punishing perpetrators, it cannot alone eliminate the conditions that allow such practices to survive. Addressing the problem requires a broader framework of communication justice that integrates legal enforcement with education, media engagement, and community participation.

Government agencies, media organisations, and civil society groups must work together with local leaders and cultural networks to promote awareness and dialogue. Only when communities themselves participate in questioning harmful narratives can the cycle of fear and violence associated with witch-branding begin to break.

AI Use Disclosure: Generative Artificial Intelligence Chatbot ChatGPT was used only for improving readability and language clarity during the editing process. The research, analysis, interpretation, and final content remain the sole responsibility of the authors.

References

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Sriyanka Sahoo (sriyankas38@gmail.com) is a PhD Candidate and Mukhyamantri Research Fellow at the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar. Her doctoral research examines the role of print media in reporting crimes against women.

Dr. Hemanta Kumar Dash (hemantdash@gmail.com) is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Public Administration, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar. His research interests include governance, public policy, tribal development, and social justice.